[Dialogue] {Disarmed} Is Barack Obama the next JFK?
FacilitationFla at aol.com
FacilitationFla at aol.com
Thu Jul 19 15:53:34 EDT 2007
Is Barack Obama the next JFK?
Heir Time
by Ted Sorensen
Post date: 07.19.07; Issue date: 07.23.07
At first glance, the Democratic nominee for president in 1960, John
Fitzgerald Kennedy--the millionaire Caucasian war hero for whom I worked for eleven
golden years--seems notably different from the most interesting candidate for
next year's nomination, Senator Barack Obama. But when does a difference make
a difference? Different times, issues, and electors make any meaningful
comparison unlikely. But the parallels in their candidacies are striking.
Fifty years ago, Kennedy and I embarked on a period in which I traveled to
all 50 states in his long, uphill quest for the 1960 Democratic presidential
nomination. He was, like Obama, a first-term U.S. senator. But he was not yet
40 years old, making Obama, already 45, a geezer by comparison.
At the time, Washington pundits assumed Kennedy had at least two
insurmountable obstacles. The first was his lack of experience, especially compared with
the senior statesmen also seeking that nomination-- Lyndon Johnson, Hubert
Humphrey, Adlai Stevenson, and Stuart Symington. Kennedy acknowledged that his
age and inexperience would turn away some voters. Obama, though older than
Kennedy, is similarly dismissed by some today. But Kennedy noted in one speech
that "experience is like tail-lights on a boat which illuminate where we
have been when we should be focusing on where we should be going."
Kennedy's second major obstacle was his heritage. Some said he had lost his
chance to be president of the United States the day he was born--or, at
least, the day he was baptized as a Roman Catholic. No Catholic had ever been
elected president of the United States, and the overwhelming defeat suffered by
the only Catholic nominated for that position, Governor Al Smith of New York
in 1928, had persuaded subsequent Democratic leaders that it would be
hopeless ever to risk that route again. The conviction that no Catholic could win
was greater, in that less enlightened era 50 years ago, than the widespread
assumption today that a black presidential candidate cannot win. The subtly
bigoted phrase most often repeated in that election year--by former President
Harry Truman, among others--was that 1960 was "too early" for a Catholic
president, that the country was "not ready," and that Kennedy should be a "good
sport" by settling for the vice presidency. No doubt Obama will hear--or has
already heard--similar sentiments about the color of his skin.
Even some Catholic religious leaders--who thought Kennedy was not Catholic
enough, having attended secular schools and expressed disagreement with the
Catholic hierarchy on church-state separation--opposed his candidacy. So did
some Catholic political leaders who thought his candidacy might raise unwanted
controversies or produce an unwanted rival to their own positions (much as Al
Sharpton and Vernon Jordan may not initially welcome an Obama candidacy).
But, in time, Kennedy's speeches and interviews strongly favoring traditional
church-state separation reassured all but the most bigoted anti-Catholics. In
the end, despite his ethnic handicap, Kennedy proved to be less divisive than
his major opponent, fellow senator Hubert Humphrey. Obama may prove the
same.
In addition to their similar handicaps, Kennedy and Obama share an
extraordinary number of parallels. Both men were Harvard-educated. Both rose to
national attention almost overnight as the result of starring roles at the
nationally televised Democratic convention preceding their respective candidacies:
Kennedy in 1956, when he delivered the speech nominating Stevenson and
subsequently came close to winning an open-floor struggle for the vice presidential
nomination with Estes Kefauver; Obama in 2004, by virtue of his brilliant
speech to the convention that year in Boston.
Both also gained national acclaim through their best-selling inspirational
books--Kennedy's Profiles in Courage, published in 1956, and Obama's The
Audacity of Hope, published in 2006. Both men immediately stood out as young,
handsome, and eloquent new faces who attracted and excited ever larger and
younger crowds at the grassroots level, a phenomenon that initially went almost
unnoticed by Washington leaders and experts too busy interviewing themselves.
Kennedy's speeches in early 1960 and even earlier, like Obama's in early
2007, were not notable for their five-point legislative plans. Rather, they
focused on several common themes: hope, a determination to succeed despite the
odds, dissatisfaction with the status quo, and confidence in the judgment of
the American people. In sprinkling their remarks with allusions to history and
poetry, neither talked down to the American people. JFK was so frank about
his disagreements with the leadership of his Catholic "base" that one Catholic
journal editorialized against him; Obama was equally frank and courageous
with the Democrats' organized labor base in assessing the competitive prospects
of the American auto industry in Detroit. Both were unsparing in their
references to the "revolving door" culture in Washington.
On foreign policy, both emphasized the importance of multilateral demo-
cracy, national strength as a guardian of peace, and the need to restore
America's global standing, moral authority, and leadership. Both warned of the
dangers of war: Kennedy motivated by his own harsh experience in World War II,
Obama by his familiarity with suffering in all parts of the world. Both were
cerebral rather than emotional speakers, relying on the communication of values
and hope rather than cheap applause lines.
Perhaps most tellingly, both preached (and personified) the politics of hope
in contrast to the politics of fear, which characterized Republican speeches
during their respective eras. In 1960 and earlier, cynics and pessimists
accepted the ultimate inevitability of nuclear war between the United States
and the Soviet Union, much as today they assume a fruitless and unending war
against terrorism. Hope trumped fear in 1960, and I have no doubt that it will
again in 2008.
Although President Kennedy became the breakthrough president on civil
rights, health care, and other liberal issues, he was not the most liberal
candidate for the nomination in 1960. His emphasis on the importance of ethics, moral
courage, and a multilateral foreign policy made him--like Obama--hard to
pigeonhole with a single ideological label. His insistence that the United
States "must do better" in every sphere of activity, including its cold war
competition with the Soviet Union, caused some historians to mistakenly recall that
he "ran to the right" of Richard Nixon on national security issues,
forgetting his emphasis on negotiations and peaceful solutions.
JFK's establishment opponents-- probably not unlike Obama's--did not
understand Kennedy's appeal. "Find out his secret," LBJ instructed one of his aides
sent to spy on the Kennedy camp, "his strategy, his weaknesses, his comings
and goings." Ultimately, Kennedy was both nominated and elected, not by
secretly outspending or out-gimmicking his opponents but by outworking and
out-thinking them, especially by attracting young volunteers and first-time voters.
Most of Kennedy's opponents, like Obama's, were fellow senators--Johnson,
Humphrey, and Symington--who initially dismissed him as neither a powerhouse on
the Senate floor nor a member of their inner circle. That mattered not to the
voters; nor does it today.
Above all, after eight years out of power and two bitter defeats, Democrats
in 1960, like today, wanted a winner--and Kennedy, despite his supposed
handicaps, was a winner. On civil rights, the Cuban Missile Crisis, the race to
the moon, and other issues, President Kennedy succeeded by demonstrating the
same courage, imagination, compassion, judgment, and ability to lead and unite
a troubled country that he had shown during his presidential campaign. I
believe Obama will do the same.
_Ted Sorensen_ (http://www.tnr.com/showBio.mhtml?pid=1109&sa=1) worked with
John F. Kennedy for eleven years, first as his senatorial assistant and then
in the White House as his special counsel and adviser. He is presently
working on his memoirs, to be published in 2008.
Cynthia N. Vance, M. A.
Strategics International Inc., Miami, Florida
305-378-1327; fax 305-378-9178
Venice, Florida Office: 941-483-9165
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