[Dialogue] Outsourcing the War

[Harry Wainwright]

Published on Saturday, May 12, 2007 by The Nation
<http://www.thenation.com/doc/20070528/scahill>  

Outsourcing the War

by Jeremy Scahill

Jeremy Scahill, bestselling author and investigative reporter for The
<http://www.thenation.com>  Nation, testified May 10 before the House
Appropriations Subcommittee on Defense on the impact of private military
contractors on the conduct of the Iraq War. This is the full text of his
remarks:

My name is Jeremy Scahill. I have submitted my full remarks and request they
be entered into the record. I am an investigative reporter for The Nation
magazine and the author of the book Blackwater: The Rise of the World's Most
Powerful Mercenary Army. I have spent the better part of the past two and a
half years researching privatized warfare. I have interviewed scores of
sources, filed many Freedom of Information Act requests, obtained government
contracts and private company documents of firms operating in Iraq,
Afghanistan and elsewhere.

As this Committee is well aware, we are now in the midst of the most
privatized war in the history of our country. This is hardly a new
phenomenon, but it is one that has greatly accelerated since the launch of
the "global war on terror" and the invasion and occupation of Iraq. Many
Americans are under the impression that the US currently has about 145,000
active duty troops on the ground in Iraq. What is seldom mentioned is the
fact that there are at least 126,000 private personnel deployed alongside
the official armed forces. These private forces effectively double the size
of the occupation force, largely without the knowledge of the US taxpayers
that foot the bill.

But despite the similarity in size of these respective forces in Iraq, there
are key differences with the way our government approaches the active-duty
military and these private war contractors. For instance, we know that
nearly 3,400 US soldiers have been killed in Iraq and more than 25,000
wounded. We do not know the exact number of private contractors killed or
wounded. Through the US Department of Labor, we have been able to determine
that at least 770 contractors had been killed in Iraq as of December 2006
along with at least 7,700 wounded. These casualties are not included in the
official death count and help to mask the human costs of the war. More
disturbing is what this means for our democracy: at a time when the
administration seems unwilling to subject its war strategy to oversight by
the Congress, we face the widespread use of private forces seemingly
accountable to no effective system of oversight or law.

While tens of thousands of these contractors provide logistical support,
thousands are heavily armed private soldiers roaming Iraq. We do know that
there are some 48,000 employees of private military companies in Iraq alone.

These forces work for US companies like Blackwater, Triple Canopy and
DynCorp as well as companies from across the globe. Some contractors make in
a month what many active-duty soldiers make in a year. Indeed, there are
private contractors in Iraq making more money than the Secretary of Defense
and more than the commanding generals. The testimony about private
contractors that I hear most often from active duty soldiers falls into two
categories: resentment and envy.

They ask what message their country is sending them. While many soldiers
lack basic protective equipment-facts well-known to this committee-they are
in a war zone where they see the private soldiers whiz by in better
vehicles, with better armor, better weapons, wearing the corporate logo
instead of the American flag and pulling in much more money. They ask: Are
our lives worth less?

Of course, there are many cases where war contractors have hoarded the
profits at the top and money has not filtered down to the individual
contractors on the ground or the armor to protect them.

The second reaction is that the active-duty soldiers see the "rock star"
private contractors and they want to be like them. So we have a phenomenon
of soldiers leaving active duty to join the private sector.

There is slang in Iraq now for this jump. It is called "Going Blackwater."
To put it bluntly, these private forces create a system where national duty
is outbid by profits. And yet these forces are being used for
mission-critical activities. Indeed, in January Gen. David Petraeus admitted
that on his last tour in Iraq, he himself was protected not by the
active-duty military but by private "contract security."

Just as there is a double standard in pay, there is a double standard in the
application of the law. Soldiers who commit crimes or acts of misconduct are
prosecuted under the Uniform Code of Military Justice. There have been some
64 courts martial on murder-related charges in Iraq alone. Compare that to
the lack of prosecution of contractors. Despite the fact that tens of
thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands, have streamed in and out of Iraq
since March of 2003, only two private contractors have faced any criminal
prosecution. Two. One was a KBR employee alleged to have stabbed a
co-worker, the other pleaded guilty to possession of child pornography
images on his computer at Abu Ghraib prison. In four years, there have been
no prosecutions for crimes against Iraqis and not a single known prosecution
of an armed contractor.

That either means we have tens of thousands of Boy Scouts working as armed
contractors or something is fundamentally wrong with the system. Brig. Gen.
Karl Horst of the 3rd Infantry Division became so outraged by contractor
unaccountability that he began tracking contractor violence in Baghdad. In
just two months he documented twelve cases of contractors shooting at
civilians, resulting in six deaths and three injuries. That is just two
months and one general.

They have not been prosecuted under the UCMJ, under US civilian law or under
Iraqi law. US contractors in Iraq reportedly have their own motto: "What
happens here today, stays here today." That should be chilling to everyone
who believes that warfare, above all government functions, must be subject
to transparency, accountability and the rule of law.

These are forces operating in the name of the United States of America.
Iraqis do not see contractors as separate from soldiers-understandably, they
see them all as "the occupation." Contractor misconduct is viewed as
American misconduct.

While there is currently a debate in Congress about how to hold these
private forces accountable, the political will to act remains shockingly
absent.

Given the vast size of this private force, spread across the most dangerous
war zone in the world, it is not at all clear how effective oversight would
work. We already know that auditors cannot visit many reconstruction sites
because of security concerns. Journalists are locked in the Green Zone. The
army is stretched to the max. So what entity then is supposed to have the
capacity or ability to oversee the men who have been brought to Iraq to go
where no one else will?

Members of Congress tell me they have been stonewalled in their attempts to
gain detailed information about the activities of these companies. I think
it is a disturbing commentary that I have received phone calls from several
Congress members asking me for government documents on war contractors and
not the other way around.

In the current discussion in the Congress on this issue, what is seldom
discussed is how this system, the privatization of war, has both encouraged
and enabled the growth and creation of companies who have benefited and
stand to gain even more from an escalation of the war.

In closing, while I think this Congress needs to take urgent action on
issues of oversight, accountability and transparency of these private forces
operating with our tax dollars and in the name of the United States, there
is a deeper issue that often gets overlooked. This war contracting system
has intimately linked corporate profits to an escalation of war and
conflict. These companies have no incentive to decrease their footprint in
the war zone and every incentive to increase it.

As the country debates current and future Iraq policy, Congress owes it to
the public to take down the curtain of secrecy surrounding these shadow
forces that often act in the name and on the payroll of the people of this
country. Thank you for your time. I am prepared to answer any questions.

To see a video of this testimony: here
<http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sdk4dIXqs7s&eurl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww%2Ethenatio
n%2Ecom%2Fdocprint%2Emhtml%3Fi%3D20070528%26s%3Dscahill> .

Jeremy Scahill is the author <http://www.blackwaterbook.com/>  of the New
York Times bestseller Blackwater: The Rise of the World
<http://www.amazon.com/dp/1560259795?tag=commondreams-20/ref=nosim> 's Most
Powerful Mercenary Army. He is currently a Puffin Foundation Writing Fellow
at the Nation Institute.

C Copyright 2007 Jeremy Scahill

Article printed from www.CommonDreams.org 

URL to article: http://www.commondreams.org/archive/2007/05/12/1136/

 

-------------- next part --------------
An HTML attachment was scrubbed...
URL: http://wedgeblade.net/pipermail/dialogue_wedgeblade.net/attachments/20070514/7b78652e/attachment-0001.html 
-------------- next part --------------
A non-text attachment was scrubbed...
Name: not available
Type: image/gif
Size: 6731 bytes
Desc: not available
Url : http://wedgeblade.net/pipermail/dialogue_wedgeblade.net/attachments/20070514/7b78652e/attachment-0001.gif