[Oe List ...] The Left Hand of God
KroegerD@aol.com
KroegerD at aol.com
Sun Feb 19 14:25:06 EST 2006
A recent review of this book I had ealier mentioned.
The politics of faith
The Left Hand of God Taking Back Our Country From the Religious Right
Michael Lerner HarperSanFrancisco: 408 pp., $24.95
By Ed Bacon
The Rev. Ed Bacon is rector of All Saints Episcopal Church in Pasadena.
February 19, 2006
RABBI Michael Lerner's "The Left Hand of God: Taking Back Our Country From
the Religious Right" is his latest contribution to a long list of inspiring
and practical writings. Here, Lerner contends that "the America we love" is
threatened with destruction. His critique stems from the moral values, spiritual
practices and political actions of the ancient speak-truth-to-power
prophetic tradition.
Lerner's career of balancing social and political action with religious
practice began in the Jewish Theological Seminary, where his professor Abraham
Joshua Heschel held that the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., in his preaching and
his politics, was in effect the 20th century incarnation of the Hebrew
prophets. In this book, Lerner — rabbi of San Francisco's progressive Beyt Tikkun
synagogue and editor of Tikkun, a journal striving to "mend, repair, and
transform the world" — updates this tradition for the beginning of the 21st
century.
Lerner believes America is in the grip of a spiritual crisis.
On the one hand, there is what scholar Walter Brueggemann calls "the
imperial consciousness." This right-wing mind-set worships its own power — an act of
idolatry, according to Lerner. Its adherents ignore the groans of the poor,
the oppressed and the marginalized, conducting business as usual as though no
one were hurting and there were no groans.
On the other, an impotent liberal cohort lacks the moral courage and
political savvy to resist a culture of imperial domination in both church and state.
The compromises made by the left because of political expediency result in a
political lassitude, which amounts to complicity with the forces of empire.
But Lerner is chiefly concerned with the millions of people who are not
conservative ideologues but who have in recent elections voted that way because
they yearn for the "purpose-driven life of meaning" promised by the
communities of the religious right. There they find a sense of belonging, of dignity,
of outrage at meaningless marketplace thinking — and (in Lerner's indictment
of his own liberal tribe) a respectful absence of condescension. The irony
that begs for explanation is the phenomenon of this group voting against its own
enlightened self-interest.
Lerner's reflections are informed by his interviews with "middle-income
working people," conducted over 28 years for the Institute for Labor and Mental
Health, which he co-founded in 1977. "The psychotherapists, union activists,
and social theorists who were working at the institute," he writes, "had one
question we particularly wanted to answer: why is it that people whose
economic interests would lead them to identify with the Left often actually end up
voting for the Right?" What he and his colleagues discovered was "that many
people need what anthropologist Clifford Geertz once termed a 'politics of
meaning' and what I now call a spiritual politics — a spiritual framework that
can lend meaning to their lives [and] allow them to serve something beyond
personal goals and economic self-interest. If they don't find this sense of
purpose on the Left, they will look for it on the Right." With consistent passion,
Lerner insists on respect for this group of people. The left sabotages its
efforts every time it views them as somehow less intelligent and evolved than,
say, the liberal elite.
For Lerner, the key is something he calls "meaning needs." The left has to
recognize "that people hunger for a world that has meaning and love; for a
sense of aliveness, energy, and authenticity; for a life embedded in a community
in which they are valued for who they most deeply are, with all their warts
and limitations, and feel genuinely seen and recognized; for a sense of
contributing to the good; and for a life that is about something more than just
money and accumulating material goods." The right, he maintains, has supplied
all this in a variety of ways. The left is clueless, unaware that such needs
even exist.
At the core of Lerner's argument is his description of two competing
theologies.
The theology of the "right hand of God" gives conservative ideologues their
religious credibility. This theology "sees the universe as a fundamentally
scary place filled with evil forces…. God is the avenger, the big man in heaven
who can be invoked to use violence to overcome those evil forces, either
right now or in some future ultimate reckoning….[T]he world is filled with
constant dangers and the rational way to live is to dominate and control others
before they dominate and control us."
The "left hand of God" theology sees God as "the loving, kind, and generous
energy in the universe" and "encourages us to be like this loving God."
Lerner readily admits that the right-hand theology exists in the scriptures
of the world's major religions, but he objects to its use by the religious
right to promote a kind of imperial dominion, à la Pat Robertson's 1986 stated
goal "to rule the world for God." The scriptural passages often used to
justify a dominionist position — in both Judaism and Christianity, Lerner points
out — were originally written to empower the oppressed with assurances that
God would hear their cries and come in power to liberate them and establish a
reign of justice and peace. Thus, he argues, the hard-core religious right has
perverted religion: They distort scriptural texts and ancient theologies
written for the powerless and use them to theologically undergird the powerful.
Lerner sees this core as a relatively small part of American society. The
much larger populace that votes with the religious right does so in support of
what it sees as "a community that gives priority to spiritual aliveness and is
affirming and loving. That is the experience they are looking for, and for
that they are willing to hear God's voice in the way the Religious Right hears
it."
Lerner's solution is to call for the redemption of religion in the thinking
of the secular left, along with the establishment of a politics that refuses
to allow the values of the commonwealth to be trumped by the powers
protecting private wealth. He advocates the development of a "spiritual left" as a
coherent alternative to religious triumphalism. Were we to adopt this
"spiritual-political alternative" and bring together three groups he has identified on
the left — the secular, the "spiritual but not religious" and the
"progressive religious" — then America could be rescued.
Like Rabbi Lerner, I am a clergyman in a faith community rooted in the
prophetic tradition. I share his concerns about the health of the United States
and of the world, as measured by our care for one another in a context of
peace. I share his hope that there is abundant spiritual energy available to
individuals for effective social action over the long haul. That energy is
accessed when people are meaningfully rooted in communities where their dignity
(along with that of every other human being) finds warm affirmation and where
prayer leading to vigorous social action is the norm. These communities can, as
Lerner insists, be empowering oases of hope in the midst of the politics of
fear in which we now live.
Rabbi Heschel taught that in every moment something sacred is at stake. His
student, Rabbi Lerner, has written a book that sends a clear call to everyone
who cares about the future of America to take part in the transformation of
our history into something of beauty, meaning and justice — a work that,
whether we think of it that way or not, is intrinsically sacred.
Copyright 2006 Los Angeles Times
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